ECOWAS can still save itself

When Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger experienced successive military coups in the last three years, it was a presage of the massive change looming in West Africa. But few would have predicted a complete schism within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) shortly after.  

In an attempt to halt the governance crisis, the regional bloc imposed sanctions on the three countries, which, in return, withdrew their membership. This was a catastrophe for an institution that had, less than a decade ago, established itself as the most influential regional organization and the standard-bearer of good governance for the whole African continent. 

ECOWAS’ continental standing and its central role in solving the cascading challenges in the Sahel region necessitate its survival. Thus, the organization faces the critical task of re-gaining its moral standing and legitimacy, and this is only possible through a people-centered approach to harmonize public sentiments with regional policies.   

The history and successes of ECOWAS

Among all regional economic blocs, ECOWAS stands out as the organization with the most political mandate. In 1975, ECOWAS was formed to promote economic integration among West African States. In 1993, it revised its treaty to include a mandate on peace and political stability as the underpinnings of regional integration. However, the most critical change came in 2001 when the organization adopted a supplementary protocol on democracy and good governance. With a specific legal provision for the organization to use force to protect democracy, ECOWAS adopted a zero-tolerance policy towards power obtained or maintained through unconstitutional means. 

Despite occasional slip-ups, ECOWAS successfully delivered on its mandate until after 2017. In 2003, ECOWAS contributed troops to Côte d’Ivoire to enforce the ceasefire agreement between the army and rebel groups. After the 2012 coup in Mali, ECOWAS played a vital role in negotiating a return to constitutional rule and supported the government in fighting the rebel groups. The regional bloc proved capable of coordinating member states’ efforts in averting crises. 

The most successful intervention, however, came in 2017 in the Gambia. In December 2016, Incumbent Yahya Jammeh reneged on his decision to accept the electoral outcomes that had declared opposition leader, Adama Barrow, the winner of the presidential elections. After a series of diplomatic missions to convince Jammeh to step down, ECOWAS mobilized troops near the border of the Gambia with a mission to “restore democracy” and enforce electoral outcomes. With the threat of an armed intervention looming, Jammeh eventually conceded defeat and fled the country. This was the first successful intervention by a regional organization on the African continent that involved removing an incumbent president from power.   

Ensuing failures of ECOWAS

Through efforts to uphold democratic norms and maintain political stability, ECOWAS earned a reputation as a leader in promoting democracy on the African continent. More importantly, though, ECOWAS cemented its moral authority and public support among West African member states.  

Yet, this hard-won reputation would not survive long. The current crisis started amidst ECOWAS’ biggest victory. In May 2015, ECOWAS abandoned a proposal to restrict West African presidents to two terms. This failure culminated in an electoral crisis in Guinea in 2020 when incumbent Alpha Conde pushed for a controversial third term. ECOWAS did not explicitly denounce human rights abuses and violence committed against opposition members. Eventually, when senior army officers overthrew Conde in 2021, they had massive popular support. For the Guinean public, the army had succeeded where ECOWAS had failed. 

2023 Coup leaders in Niger greeting the public (source: NBC)

The coup in Guinea unleashed a wave of sudden leadership changes in the region. In May 2021, members of the Malian transitional government overthrew the interim president over allegations of violating the transition charter8. In January 2022, Burkina Faso’s army deposed Roch Kabore who was also later overthrown in September 2022 due to allegations of his “pro-France” stance. Meanwhile, in July 2023, the Nigerien army removed President Mohamed Bazoum citing failures to deal with insecurity in the country and corruption as reasons. This cascade of coups exposed ECOWAS failures and fragility within a new politico-economic landscape in West Africa. 

ECOWAS paying for both its failures and successes

Nonetheless, it would be a mistake to perceive the split within ECOWAS as just a result of the latter’s failures. It is equally the effect of the organization’s past successes. ECOWAS threatened an armed invasion of Niger in August of 2023 to restore constitutional order in case diplomatic efforts fail. Shortly after, Mali and Burkina Faso joined Niger in a military coalition against ECOWAS and eventually seceded from the bloc.

There had been suspensions before and even temporary withdrawals of member states from ECOWAS. But this was the first time multiple member states withdrew from ECOWAS simultaneously. Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso reacted extremely because they believed in the credibility of the ECOWAS, and that is due to its past successes in the Gambia. However, their decision won popular support due to ECOWAS’ failures and loss of credibility among these countries’ people.  

By late 2023, ECOWAS had already lost its legitimacy and past moral standing in some of its member states. When the organization announced the possibility of a military intervention in Niger, images started circulating on the internet depicting Nigeria’s president, the most influential figure in ECOWAS pushing for intervention, as a puppet of the West. This signals how deep ECOWAS’ reputation had fallen from defenders of democracy to agents of foreign interests.  

The way forward

Some say that ECOWAS just needs to consistently enforce its mandate for its survival, but that is not enough. ECOWAS’ survival hinges on two main factors. First, the bloc must repair its reputation with the people in West Africa by finding a way to include civil societies and other non-governmental voices in informing its responses to crises in the region.  

Second, ECOWAS has long been an ally of France and the US, but it needs a new brand of diplomacy. ECOWAS must maintain win-win relationships with foreign actors, but these will have to expand to all regional stakeholders.  However, it will have to bolster itself as an independent, objective voice capable of pursuing the regional good. As the prime interlocutor of member states in West Africa, ECOWAS must be a neutral third party, constantly pushing for a common ground amidst a highly contested political climate.  

Military leaders in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have used their anti-Western stances to alienate ECOWAS. The latter must regain legitimacy in the eyes of the public. It must signal that, truly, the core principle of the bloc is to find African solutions to African problems. That might just make it whole again.  


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